Last week, Stossel expressed that nonchalance in a syndicated column titled “Why Libertarians Have Better Things to Worry About Than the NSA.” The response from fellow libertarians was uproarious, to say the least. Many called him a “traitor,” others called him an “efficiency expert for the Leviathan State” (in other words, a sellout). The name-calling is ridiculous, especially when you consider the context: Stossel has always been undecided about this issue.
His earnestness here, despite the libertarian movement’s unanimous outrage is admirable, but it might just be a bit too contrarian… even for Stossel.
As someone who’s worked closely with him in the past, I admit it wasn’
And yet, Stossel wrote last week, “terrorists do want to murder us,” and so “if the NSA is halfway competent, Big Data should help detect plots.” In other words, if we assume the NSA is somewhat competent (unlike all the other massive bureaucracies Stossel rails against), then perhaps they could help thwart the threat that he himself admits is overhyped?
That seems like misplaced trust that a) the security state is any different than the ever-expanding welfare and regulatory states Stossel has become a leading voice against; and that b) the agency’s secretive methods aren’t rife with abuse, near-non-existent oversight, and a creeping expansion on par with Big Government itself.
Stossel’s other reason for not being concerned with the NSA revelations? “My electronic privacy has already been utterly shredded by Google, Amazon, YouTube and so on.” This is true, but there’s one key difference: Google, et
“My employer has a right to read my emails,” he added to the explanation of how his privacy is “already blown.” Except, again, that employer-employee relationship is a voluntary contractual one. Stossel knows this well. It’s not a sufficient excuse for the state’s creeping surveillance.
Economic and social stories worry people on a more personal level, and so it’s easy to understand why these issues play a greater role in his reporting. The entitlement problem, or “generational theft” as he calls it, will have a noticeable effect on every American. But civil liberties and foreign policy, on the other hand, are admittedly more abstract. And so Stossel, like many Americans, simply does not get as animated about them.
And that, in a nutshell, is the larger problem facing civil libertarians: If it doesn’t affect people personally, they don’t care. Stossel’s ambivalence should provide a teaching moment: We need to make Stossel care; and we need to make the majority of
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